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. 2006 Dec;96(12):2122-34.
doi: 10.2105/AJPH.2004.054262. Epub 2006 Oct 31.

The persistence of American Indian health disparities

Affiliations

The persistence of American Indian health disparities

David S Jones. Am J Public Health. 2006 Dec.

Abstract

Disparities in health status between American Indians and other groups in the United States have persisted throughout the 500 years since Europeans arrived in the Americas. Colonists, traders, missionaries, soldiers, physicians, and government officials have struggled to explain these disparities, invoking a wide range of possible causes. American Indians joined these debates, often suggesting different explanations. Europeans and Americans also struggled to respond to the disparities, sometimes working to relieve them, sometimes taking advantage of the ill health of American Indians. Economic and political interests have always affected both explanations of health disparities and responses to them, influencing which explanations were emphasized and which interventions were pursued. Tensions also appear in ongoing debates about the contributions of genetic and socioeconomic forces to the pervasive health disparities. Understanding how these economic and political forces have operated historically can explain both the persistence of the health disparities and the controversies that surround them.

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Figures

Figure 1
Figure 1
A House-call on the Navajo Reservation. As part of its effort to improve health services for American Indians in the 1950s, the Public Health Service funded a series of innovative health care projects. In one project, based at Many Farms, Arizona, physicians, nurses, anthropologists, and Navajo health workers attempted to bring modern medicine into Navajo homes and lives. Source. New York Weill Cornell Medical Center Archives, Photograph Collection, Navajo Project, #2310.
Figure 2
Figure 2
Accomack [Plymouth Harbor] before the Plague. When Samuel de Champlain explored the coast of Massachusetts in 1613, he found thriving Indian communities, such as Accomack, with its wigwams and fields of corn. Three years later an epidemic devastated the Massachusett and Wampanog tribes. When English colonists arrived in 1620, they found Accomack abandoned. They built their first settlement, Plymouth, on its ruins. Source. Sameul de Champlain, Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain Xaintongeois (Paris: 1613). By permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University.
Figure 3
Figure 3
Ration Day on a Sioux Reservation. Between the 1830s and the 1870s, the federal government confined most American Indian groups onto reservations. The Sioux encountered terrible conditions as the government tried to transform them from nomadic hunters to settled agriculturalists. Many depended completely on government rations for subsistence. These reservations provided ideal conditions for tuberculosis. Source. By permission of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, 56 630.
Figure 4
Figure 4
The Satellite Clinic near Many Farms. Walsh McDermott’s team of clinicians and researchers struggled to make best use of the limited resources provided for Indian health. When their initial clinic at Many Farms became overcrowded, they opened up a satellite clinic in the settlement at Rough Rock, 22 miles away. They used a converted refrigerator car, donated by the Santa Fe Railroad: the car, which cooled off at night, remained cool during the hot Arizona days. Source. Courtesy of New York Weill Cornell Medical Center Archives, Photograph Collection, Navajo Project, #2302.

Comment in

  • Existence of Alaska Native health disparities.
    Lanier AP. Lanier AP. Am J Public Health. 2007 Sep;97(9):1541-2; author reply 1542-3. doi: 10.2105/AJPH.2007.115006. Epub 2007 Jul 31. Am J Public Health. 2007. PMID: 17666681 Free PMC article. No abstract available.

References

    1. Howard S. Russell, Indian New England Before the Mayflower (Hanover, NH: University of New Hampshire Press, 1980), 35, 104–105; Douglas H. Ubelaker, “Patterns of Demographic Change in the Americas,” Human Biology 64 (June 1992): 364; Clark Spencer Larsen, “In the Wake of Columbus: Native Population Biology in the Postcontact Americas,” Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 37 (1994): 109–154.
    1. For discussions of the poor-health of pre-Columbian populations, see the many excellent chapters in Richard S. Steckel and Jerome C. Rose, The Backbone of History: Health and Nutrition in the Western Hemisphere (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). For a detailed discussion of 1 urban population, see Rebecca Storey, Life and Death in the Ancient City of Teotihuacan: A Modern Paleodemographic Synthesis (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1992), 253–266.
    1. Larsen, “In the Wake of Columbus,” 109–154; Rebecca Storey, Lourdes Marquez Morfin, and Vernon Smith, “Social Disruption and the Maya Civilization of Mesoamerica: A Study of Health and Economy of the Last Thousand Years,” in Steckel and Rose, Backbone of History, pp. 283–306; Douglas H. Ubelaker and Linda A. Newson, “Patterns of Health and Nutrition in Prehistoric and Historic Ecuador,” in Steckel and Rose, Backbone of History, pp. 343–375; S. Ryan Johansson and Douglas Owsley, “Welfare History on the Great Plains: Mortality and Skeletal Health, 1650 to 1900,” in Backbone of History, ed. Steckel and Rose, pp. 524–560; Steckel and Rose, “Patterns of Health in the Western Hemisphere,” in Backbone of History, pp. 563–579.
    1. Henry F. Dobyns, “Estimating Aboriginal American Population: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New Hemispheric Estimate,” Current Anthropology 7 (October 1966): 395–416; Ubelaker, “Patterns of Demographic Change in the Americas,” 361–379; Michael H. Crawford, The Origins of Native Americans: Evidence from Anthropological Genetics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 33–39; David Henige, Numbers from Nowhere: The American Indian Contact Population Debate (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998).
    1. “Estimates of the precontact population of Hispanola have ranged between 60000 and nearly 8000000.” Noble David Cook, Born to Die: Disease and New World Conquest, 1492–1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 22–23. The best available evidence has narrowed the range to between 100000 and 400000. Massimo Livi-Bacci, “Return to Hispanola: Reassessing a Demographic Catastophe,” Hispanic American Historical Review 83 (2003): 3–51.

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