Listeners' knowledge of phonological universals: Evidence from nasal clusters

Abstract

Optimality Theory explains typological markedness implications by proposing that all speakers possess universal constraints penalizing marked structure, irrespective of the evidence provided by their language (Prince & Smolensky, 1993/2004). An account of phonological perception sketched here entails that markedness constraints reveal their presence by inducing perceptual 'repairs' to structures ungrammatical in the hearer's language. As onset clusters of falling sonority are typologically marked relative to those of rising sonority (Greenberg, 1978), we examine English speakers' perception of nasal-initial clusters-lacking in English. We find greater accuracy for rising-sonority clusters, evidencing knowledge of markedness constraints favoring such onset clusters. The misperception of sonority falls cannot be accounted for by stimulus artifacts (the materials are perceived accurately by speakers of Russian-a language allowing nasal-initial clusters) nor by phonetic failure (English speakers misperceive falls even with printed materials) nor by putative relations of such onsets to the statistics of the English lexicon.

Fig. 1

The proposed phonological processing architecture.

Figure 2

Mean response accuracy of English and Russian speakers in the syllable count task. Error bars reflect confidence intervals, constructed for the difference between the means. Note. “One” and “two” represent monosyllabic and disyllabic items, respectively.

Figure 3

Mean response accuracy of English and Russian speakers to nonidentical items. Error bars reflect 95% confidence intervals, constructed for the difference between the means.