Quantifiers are incrementally interpreted in context, more than less

Abstract

Language interpretation is often assumed to be incremental. However, our studies of quantifier expressions in isolated sentences found N400 event-related brain potential (ERP) evidence for partial but not full immediate quantifier interpretation (Urbach & Kutas, 2010). Here we tested similar quantifier expressions in pragmatically supporting discourse contexts (Alex was an unusual toddler. Most/Few kids prefer sweets/vegetables…) while participants made plausibility judgments (Experiment 1) or read for comprehension (Experiment 2). Control Experiments 3A (plausibility) and 3B (comprehension) removed the discourse contexts. Quantifiers always modulated typical and/or atypical word N400 amplitudes. However, only the real-time N400 effects only in Experiment 2 mirrored offline quantifier and typicality crossover interaction effects for plausibility ratings and cloze probabilities. We conclude that quantifier expressions can be interpreted fully and immediately, though pragmatic and task variables appear to impact the speed and/or depth of quantifier interpretation.

Figure 1. Criterial N400 amplitude effects at critical words

Schematic diagram of the N400 pair-wise effects corresponding to the four individually necessary and jointly sufficient criteria for evidence of full incremental quantifier interpretation. Circled numbers indicate the criteria, arrows indicate the direction of the N400 effect (negative is plotted up).

Figure 2. Quantifier by typicality interaction effects

Panel A) Critical word cloze probability (= proportion of responses) in quantified sentence fragments following supporting discourse contexts (top row) and without the preceding discourse contexts (bottom row). Panel B) Sentence plausibility ratings on a five-point scale (left column) and N400 ERP amplitudes (right column) at the cloze-normed critical word for these same quantified sentences. The quantified sentences were presented following supporting discourse contexts in Experiment 1 (top row, N = 16), and without the discourse contexts in Experiment 3A (bottom row, N = 16). Panel C) N400 ERP amplitudes in microvolts at the cloze-normed critical word for these same quantified sentences read for comprehension. The quantified sentences were presented following supporting discourse contexts in Experiment 2 (top row, N = 16) and without the discourse contexts in Experiment 3B (bottom row, N = 16). All four criteria for strong incremental quantifier interpretation are satisfied only in Experiment 2 (boxed). Whiskers indicate +/− 1 SE; in Panels B and C the within-participants SE is calculated according to Morey, 2008.

Figure 3. Grand average ERP potentials at four midline scalp locations (prefrontal, central, parietal, occipital)

Panel A) Experiment 1 (N = 16) with quantified sentences presented following supporting discourse and rated for plausibility. Panel B) Experiment 2 (N = 16) with the same quantified sentences and discourse contexts read for comprehension. Panel C) Control experiments with the quantified sentences presented without the discourse contexts and rated for plausibility in Experiment 3A (left column, N = 16) or read for comprehension in Experiment 3B (right column, N = 16). Shading indicates the N400 mean potential analysis window for incremental quantifier interpretation hypothesis testing; negative is plotted up.

Figure 4. Spline-interpolated scalp distribution plots of N400 (300–500ms), LPC (500–800ms) and Slow Wave (800–1300ms) ERP amplitude effects

Panel A) Experiment 1 (N = 16) with quantified sentences presented following supporting discourse and rated for plausibility. Panel B) Experiment 2 (N = 16) with the same quantified sentences and discourse contexts read for comprehension. Panel C) Control experiments with the quantified sentences only presented without the discourse contexts and rated for plausibility in Experiment 3A (left column, N = 16) or read for comprehension in Experiment 3B (right column, N = 16). For the most-type quantifiers, negative values 300–500ms poststimulus indicate greater N400 amplitude for atypical - typical words, i.e., the canonical typicality effect (Criterion 1). Note: For the few-type quantifiers, the typicality effect calculation is reversed so negative values 300–500ms indicate a reversal of the canonical typicality effect, i.e., satisfaction of Criterion 4. Contour lines indicate 0.5μV intervals.