People use both heterogeneity and minority representation to evaluate diversity

Abstract

The term "diversity," although widely used, can mean different things. Diversity can refer to heterogeneity, i.e., the distribution of people across groups, or to the representation of specific minority groups. We use a conjoint experiment with a race-balanced, national sample to uncover which properties, heterogeneity or minority representation, Americans use to evaluate the extent of racial diversity a neighborhood and whether this assessment varies by participants' race. We show that perceived diversity is strongly associated with heterogeneity. This association is stronger for Whites than for Blacks, Latinos, or Asians. In addition, Blacks, Latinos, and Asians view neighborhoods where their own group is largest as more diverse. Whites vary in their tendency to associate diversity with representation, and Whites who report conservative stances on diversity-related policy issues view predominately White neighborhoods as more diverse than predominately Black neighborhoods. People can agree that diversity is desirable while disagreeing on what makes a community diverse.

Fig. 1. Effects of heterogeneity and group representation on perceived diversity (all participants).

Neighborhoods with more heterogeneous distributions (e.g., 50%/48%/2%) are perceived as more diverse. Neighborhoods with non-Whites as the largest group (left), and neighborhoods with Whites as the absent group (right) also seem more diverse. Expected values (means of 10,000 simulations based on model 1 in table S7 and model 1 in table S8) are shown with 95% confidence intervals, with clustered SEs.

Fig. 2. Effects of heterogeneity and identity of the largest group on perceived diversity by participant race.

All participants perceive more heterogeneous neighborhoods as more diverse, but the effect is larger for White participants (top left). Latino, Asian, and Black participants perceive neighborhoods where their own group is the largest as more diverse than neighborhoods where Whites are the largest group. The identity of the largest group does not affect perceived diversity for White participants. Expected values are simulated from model 2 in table S9 and shown with 95% confidence intervals, with clustered SEs. Continuous control variables are held at their within-race medians, and categorical control variables are held at their within-race modes.

Fig. 3. Effects of heterogeneity, identity of the largest group, and racial policy preferences on perceived diversity (White participants).

White participants who strongly favor affirmative action (left) or think that immigration should be increased (right) view neighborhoods where non-Whites are the largest group as more diverse than those where Whites are the largest group. White participants who strongly oppose affirmative action (left) or think that immigration should be decreased (right) view neighborhoods where non-Whites are the largest group as less diverse than those where Whites are the largest group. Expected values are simulated from model 2 in table S11 and model 2 in table S12 and shown with 95% confidence intervals, with clustered SEs. Continuous control variables are held to their medians, and categorical control variables are held to their modes. Heterogeneity is held at 70, 28, and 2%.

Fig. 4. Sample items for two neighborhoods that are the same in terms of the distribution of racial groups (heterogeneity) but different in terms of the representation of specific racial groups.

Note that in this example, the identity of the largest group and the identity of the absent group in each profile are different.

Fig. 5. Sample items for two neighborhoods that are different in terms of the distribution of racial groups (heterogeneity) but the same in terms of the representation of specific racial groups.

Note that in this example, the identity of the largest group and the identity of the absent group are the same.