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. 2024 Jan;625(7993):134-147.
doi: 10.1038/s41586-023-06840-9. Epub 2023 Dec 13.

A synthesis of evidence for policy from behavioural science during COVID-19

Kai Ruggeri  1   2   3 Friederike Stock  4   5 S Alexander Haslam  6 Valerio Capraro  7 Paulo Boggio  8   9 Naomi Ellemers  10 Aleksandra Cichocka  11 Karen M Douglas  11 David G Rand  12 Sander van der Linden  13 Mina Cikara  14 Eli J Finkel  15   16 James N Druckman  17 Michael J A Wohl  18 Richard E Petty  19 Joshua A Tucker  20 Azim Shariff  21 Michele Gelfand  22 Dominic Packer  23 Jolanda Jetten  6 Paul A M Van Lange  24   25 Gordon Pennycook  26 Ellen Peters  27   28 Katherine Baicker  29 Alia Crum  30 Kim A Weeden  26 Lucy Napper  23 Nassim Tabri  18 Jamil Zaki  22 Linda Skitka  31 Shinobu Kitayama  32 Dean Mobbs  33   34 Cass R Sunstein  14 Sarah Ashcroft-Jones  35   36 Anna Louise Todsen  37 Ali Hajian  38 Sanne Verra  10 Vanessa Buehler  39 Maja Friedemann  40 Marlene Hecht  4   5 Rayyan S Mobarak  41 Ralitsa Karakasheva  42 Markus R Tünte  43 Siu Kit Yeung  44 R Shayna Rosenbaum  45   46 Žan Lep  47   48 Yuki Yamada  49 Sa-Kiera Tiarra Jolynn Hudson  50 Lucía Macchia  51 Irina Soboleva  52 Eugen Dimant  53   54 Sandra J Geiger  55 Hannes Jarke  56 Tobias Wingen  57 Jana B Berkessel  58 Silvana Mareva  59   60 Lucy McGill  61   62 Francesca Papa  63 Bojana Većkalov  64 Zeina Afif  65 Eike K Buabang  66 Marna Landman  67 Felice Tavera  68 Jack L Andrews  36   69 Aslı Bursalıoğlu  70 Zorana Zupan  71 Lisa Wagner  72   73 Joaquín Navajas  74   75   76 Marek Vranka  77 David Kasdan  78 Patricia Chen  79   80 Kathleen R Hudson  31 Lindsay M Novak  31 Paul Teas  31 Nikolay R Rachev  81 Matteo M Galizzi  82 Katherine L Milkman  83 Marija Petrović  84 Jay J Van Bavel  85 Robb Willer  86
Affiliations

A synthesis of evidence for policy from behavioural science during COVID-19

Kai Ruggeri et al. Nature. 2024 Jan.

Abstract

Scientific evidence regularly guides policy decisions1, with behavioural science increasingly part of this process2. In April 2020, an influential paper3 proposed 19 policy recommendations ('claims') detailing how evidence from behavioural science could contribute to efforts to reduce impacts and end the COVID-19 pandemic. Here we assess 747 pandemic-related research articles that empirically investigated those claims. We report the scale of evidence and whether evidence supports them to indicate applicability for policymaking. Two independent teams, involving 72 reviewers, found evidence for 18 of 19 claims, with both teams finding evidence supporting 16 (89%) of those 18 claims. The strongest evidence supported claims that anticipated culture, polarization and misinformation would be associated with policy effectiveness. Claims suggesting trusted leaders and positive social norms increased adherence to behavioural interventions also had strong empirical support, as did appealing to social consensus or bipartisan agreement. Targeted language in messaging yielded mixed effects and there were no effects for highlighting individual benefits or protecting others. No available evidence existed to assess any distinct differences in effects between using the terms 'physical distancing' and 'social distancing'. Analysis of 463 papers containing data showed generally large samples; 418 involved human participants with a mean of 16,848 (median of 1,699). That statistical power underscored improved suitability of behavioural science research for informing policy decisions. Furthermore, by implementing a standardized approach to evidence selection and synthesis, we amplify broader implications for advancing scientific evidence in policy formulation and prioritization.

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Conflict of interest statement

D.R. reports receiving research funding in the form of gifts from Google and Meta. K.B. reports a Director role at Eli Lilly. C.S. reports being an unpaid advisor for the US Department of Homeland Security and a senior advisor to the Boston Consulting Group. J.A.T. reportings receiving administrative and grant funding from Facebook, collaborating with Meta and serving as a Senior Advisor at Kroll. The lead author (K.R.) did not permit any influence over the final version of the writing. All other authors declare no competing interests.

Figures

Fig. 1
Fig. 1. Reviewer-assessed effect size for each claim and the qualitative rating.
The y axis shows the reviewer-assessed effect size for each claim; the x axis shows the qualitative rating (from theory only to widely tested). Each set of claims is represented by a different icon. Most claims were confirmed as having small-to-medium effect sizes, including those tested and replicated in real-world contexts. The strongest finding is indicated by the globe on the right, near the top, which shows the claim about culture (see Table 1) was widely tested in multiple studies and the results were consistent with the original Van Bavel et al. paper at roughly a medium effect size. A legend for each icon to represent the 19 claims is presented below the graph.
Extended Data Fig. 1
Extended Data Fig. 1. Breakdown of articles reviewed by claim.
Each box in the figure represents an article reviewed, with the color indicating which claim it fit under. For this figure, all sections within claim 7 are treated as a single claim due to most papers in that claim covering multiple sections. The size of each box reflects how many reviewers gave the article a rating. Specific claim colors are indicated in the legend.

References

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