Abortion in Vietnam: measurements, puzzles, and concerns
- PMID: 7716799
Abortion in Vietnam: measurements, puzzles, and concerns
Abstract
This report summarizes current knowledge about abortion in Vietnam, drawing upon government statistics, survey data, and fieldwork undertaken by the author in Vietnam throughout 1993 and part of 1994. The official total abortion rate in Vietnam in 1992 was about 2.5 per woman, the highest in Asia and worrisome for a country with a still-high total fertility rate of 3.7 children per woman. Vietnamese provinces exhibited substantial variation in both the rate of abortion and the type of procedures performed. Among the hypotheses explored to explain Vietnam's high rate of abortion are the borrowing of family planning strategies from other poor socialist states where abortion is common; current antinatal population policies that interact with a lack of contraceptive alternatives; and a rise in pregnancies among young and unmarried women in the wake of recent free-market reforms. Because family-size preferences are still declining, abortion rates may continue to increase unless the incidence of unwanted pregnancy can be reduced, a goal that Vietnamese population specialists are seeking to achieve.
PIP: The official total abortion rate in Vietnam in 1992 was at least 2.5/woman, unusually high by international standards, especially for a country with a total fertility rate of 3.7 children/woman. This report summarizes current knowledge regarding abortion in Vietnam, drawing upon government registration statistics, a variety of survey data, and the author's observations and fieldwork in Vietnam during 1993 and part of 1994. Abortion appears to be concentrated among married women at the peak of childbearing age. The prevalence of repeat abortions reported in some provinces and survey responses suggest that some women are using abortion as a means of fertility control. At least three explanations can be advanced for Vietnam's high rate of abortion. First, like other poor socialist countries, Vietnam viewed the IUD and abortion as methods allowing maximum state control and monitoring of family planning. Although the number of contraceptive methods have improved marginally, Vietnam still lacks the resources to provide alternative choices. Second, the country's population policies, although not directly calling for abortion, raise the marginal costs of childbearing in some areas to such an extent that pregnancy termination becomes more acceptable. Third, the current trend toward modernization and development in the wake of free-market reforms of the mid-1980s contributes to premarital and unwanted pregnancy as it has in other countries. Relevant policy prescriptions would provide effective contraceptive alternatives that are acceptable, safe, and affordable, a goal that Vietnamese specialists hope to achieve. Unless these efforts continue, future declines in Vietnamese family size preferences may result in even higher rates of abortion.